In a black polo shirt, with one security guard, Gadi Eisenkot sat on a low chair in the courtyard of a Jerusalem pub last Wednesday evening. About 40 people were gathered around him, some holding beer in disposable cups. All were potential voters, or so the former IDF chief of staff hoped.
On the other side of the space, a Japanese dance festival was taking place; Eisenkot's low voice competed with the high-pitched singing. Even his supporters admit he's not a charismatic speaker. His long sentences fall short on enthusiasm, and he sometimes tells pointless stories or gets entangled in convoluted arguments.
Sometimes he tries to be funny, and it doesn't always work. At the pub, he opened with a story. When he was appointed chief of the Israel Defense Forces, there was a tradition that the new appointee would sing at the President's Residence on Independence Day.
He told Reuven Rivlin, the president at the time, "that I didn't want to sadden the people on that day, and that if he forced me, I would call up Benny Gantz from the reserves." Nobody laughed, and Eisenkot kept speaking about the importance of the reservists. Like any politician in an election campaign, he relies on clichés, and some listeners think he goes too easy on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
But to his supporters, these are all advantages. "He treats everybody as an equal, and he's perceived as somebody who can set things right," said Nitzan Kimchi, a party activist in Jerusalem, before reviewing Eisenkot's life story, which is part of his appeal. "He started as a private in a battalion and rose to chief of staff. He grew up in Eilat, he's Moroccan and he's a bereaved father."
Jerusalem campaign manager Guy Gardi says Eisenkot is causing a big problem for Netanyahu: The retired general "doesn't generate hate." Gardi says that since the time of Arthur Finkelstein, the campaign consultant who helped propel Netanyahu to the premiership in 1996, "Israeli politics has been based on hate, but they can't get people to hate Gadi."
He says Eisenkot and aides walked around Jerusalem's Mahane Yehuda Market, a right-wing stronghold, "and even there you saw that he doesn't generate hate."
Of course, party activists' optimism during an election campaign is a given. A lack of hate doesn't necessarily translate into increased support. In the polls over the past two months, Eisenkot's Yashar party hasn't dropped below 23 of the Knesset's 120 seats, but it hasn't risen much beyond that either.
And last week, for the first time in recent months, the Netanyahu bloc won more seats in a poll than the opposition bloc, or the "state Zionist" bloc, as Eisenkot calls it because it doesn't include Arab parties. The fact that he accepted the premise that Israeli politics is divided between Jews and non-Jews could push him into a corner and, as between 2019 and 2021, leave Netanyahu at the head of a long-serving caretaker government.
Over the weekend, Yashar showed no signs of concern, saying that this was just one poll and it was hard to predict the success of the small right-wing parties of Bezalel Smotrich, Yoaz Hendel and Ofer Winter. Activists also assume that the polls will improve for the Eisenkot bloc soon when the third anniversary of the October 7 massacre becomes the main focus.
The possibility that Eisenkot won't lead the largest bloc hasn't been a topic at his election rallies; there have only been two scenarios. In the optimistic one, his bloc wins more than 60 seats and he quickly forms a government. In the pessimistic scenario, his bloc wins more seats than the Netanyahu camp but without a Knesset majority.
"In this case, we won't allow Netanyahu a victory through indecision; we won't let him stay on in a caretaker government. We'll approach all parties to support us," Eisenkot said. "The government of evasion and failure has no majority in any scenario, and they realize this. Their only way out is survival through indecision – to create political stagnation and chaos. This is exactly why they're not fit to remain in power."
The battle against the Netanyahu bloc has been making headlines in recent weeks, but so has the mudslinging in Eisenkot's camp. Still, his supporters say he's coordinating with the bloc's parties and crafting plans that will stymie Netanyahu if the election results are worse for the "bloc of change" than expected.
'If Gadi is received this way in a place like Kiryat Malakhi, we’re heading for a turnaround,' city council member Elior Amar says about the southern city that's a traditional Netanyahu stronghold.
"I get flak for not understanding politics, for being naive and innocent. That's fine; I've proved that I know how to think, I know how to plan," he promised to applause in Rosh Ha'ayin near Tel Aviv early this month.
"I'm busy around the clock mediating within the bloc. Netanyahu has chaos on his side. He can't control Ofer Winter. … I realized that I know how to consolidate, to connect, and that Netanyahu will have a very hard time with me, which is why he invents stories every day."
Most memorable from the Rosh Ha'ayin event was the criticism of Yashar's election slate. Almost everyone on it is center-right, like Chili Tropper, Matan Kahana and Elazar Stern. This isn't a mistake, Eisenkot's people say; this will take votes from the Netanyahu bloc, not from Yair Golan's center-left Democrats.
"He's planning for the day after, engineering the bloc," one of his supporters said. "It's the first time the bloc has a leader."
Still, the center-right candidates evoke memories of the toppling of the 2021-22 "government of change." "How will you ensure that you don't have Silmans and Chiklis on your slate?" a young person asked at the Jerusalem event, referring to Idit Silman and Amichai Chikli, whose defection from the anti-Netanyahu governing coalition triggered an early election in 2022.
"I spoke with all the candidates and I'm convinced that there will be no Silman and no Chikli," Eisenkot answered, adding that candidates will have to sign a pledge preventing them from defecting.
The commander's spirit
In his meetings with potential voters, Eisenkot is directly accessible to the public. There are no security checks at the entrance and security guards don't prevent people from gathering around him, taking photos, hugging him and speaking with him after events. This is a stark contrast to the sterile environment that Netanyahu has favored for decades.
It's clear that the public likes the direct access to the candidate. At events, Eisenkot's former soldiers from the Golani infantry brigade hug him and share memories. Young people tell him about the hundreds of days of reserve duty they've done and the interruption of their university studies, or the problems they've had finding work after reserve duty. Older people complain about the size of their pensions.
Eisenkot stands for minutes, listening and promises to form a committee and craft a plan. Last month, he visited Kiryat Malakhi in the south, another traditional Netanyahu stronghold. In the last election, 92 percent of the city's residents voted for one of the four parties that would form the coalition: Likud, Religious Zionism, Shas and United Torah Judaism. Gantz's National Unity Party and Yair Lapid's Yesh Atid, the two main opposition parties at the time, won fewer than 1,000 votes.
Against this backdrop, the mere holding of Eisenkot's event at Kiryat Malakhi's Koresh Synagogue, with hundreds of people attending, was a kind of victory. The beginning was worrying. A man stood up and cursed Yoram Cohen, who headed the Shin Bet security service from 2011 to 2016 and now is No. 2 on Eisenkot's slate.
But the critic was drowned out by shouts of "Gadi, Gadi." Several men stood up and demanded that this troublemaker leave; he departed to shouts of "Bibi-ist" and "Go home, you trash."
That was the last interruption at the get-together, where Eisenkot said: "We will remember what connects us, and that is love for Israel, concern about security, about the future, about heritage." According to the retired general, "nothing is taken for granted; each generation must add another brick to Jewish strength and Israeli strength."
Many people in the audience came from outside Kiryat Malakhi, some from the surrounding moshavim and some from the nearby city of Ashkelon. There were also veterans of the Labor Party's local branch.
"I think half the people here are residents of Kiryat Malakhi, and that's great," said city council member Elior Amar, who supports Eisenkot. "One person caused a bit of a commotion, but he's not representative. If Gadi is received this way in a place like Kiryat Malakhi, we're heading for a turnaround."
Another activist noticed the openness of people who don't necessarily agree with Eisenkot. "There were dozens of Likud members here, most of whom will probably continue to vote Likud, but the mere fact that they showed up and listened is a crack in the wall," he said. "And God willing, as October 27 approaches, there will be more and more cracks and the wall will be breached – and there will be victory."
Eisenkot certainly wants Likud voters to listen. It seems no coincidence that the party launched a campaign in Likud-leaning cities and the settlements before Yom Kippur. The candidate's picture accompanied a verse from Deuteronomy: "And thou shalt do that which is right and good."
Yuval Yaakobov, an activist from Be'er Sheva with a long beard and a large black kippa, sat in the front row and enthusiastically applauded the party chairman. In the previous election, Yaakobov was an activist for Itamar Ben-Gvir's far-right Otzma Yehudit party. Today he's with Eisenkot. He, too, served under Eisenkot in the Golani Brigade.
"He lost a son and two nephews," Yaakobov said. "We've seen who Bibi is. If after 30 years and October 7 he doesn't stand up and say, 'I made a mistake,' that's it, his story is over. God sent us Eisenkot, exactly the opposite of him – humble, modest, reserved, heroic, untainted."
The connection with Eisenkot from Golani is a recurring motif. Gardi from the Jerusalem campaign headquarters also served under him there. So Yashar has a retired chief of staff in the first spot, a retired Shin Bet chief in the second, and two major generals and a colonel before the 15th spot – Stern, Kamil Abu Rokon and Kahana.
But Eisenkot's bereavement is rarely mentioned in his speeches or those of his colleagues on the slate. "I really appreciate that he doesn't mention his son," said one participant at the Kiryat Malakhi event.
The shadow of October 7
Of course, each get-together is tailored to the audience, but there are recurring themes, including a security overview on Iran and Eisenkot's thoughts about October 7. "Within 45 minutes, three of our four national security principles collapsed," he said in Rosh Ha'ayin. "Deterrence against Hamas collapsed, the warning capability of our intelligence systems collapsed, and our defense collapsed."
Eisenkot also promises to condition the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip on Hamas' disarmament, but he doesn't touch on the question of a permanent agreement with the Palestinians.
When asked about it in Kiryat Malakhi, he gave a long and evasive answer: "This is one of the most complex questions for our way of life. I've never said that the solution is two states for two peoples. There is a very deep religious-national conflict here, and anyone who thinks an agreement can be reached now is gravely mistaken."
What should be done? He didn't answer that question. The rest of his remarks were also vague, as if trying not to upset anyone. "The policy of decisive action that seeks to dismantle the Palestinian Authority and gain control over 2.8 million Palestinians, and make them loyal to Israel and even recruit them to the army – that's what's written in Smotrich's plan," he said.
He added: "My understanding is that 2.8 million Palestinians under Palestinian responsibility is a very bad thing, which is why I support settlement, provided it's done according to national interests and the law." He used the general Hebrew word for settlement, hityashvut, not hitnahluyot, which refers to the West Bank settlements.
At every event, he's asked about including Arab parties in a governing coalition. For example, earlier this month he denied a Channel 12 News report that he promised Arab local government heads to include Mansour Abbas' United Arab List.
"My team has been dealing with the claim that 'Gadi promised them that Mansour Abbas would be in the government.' Everybody who knows me knows I don't make promises," he said at the Jerusalem meeting, despite the host of promises he made.
Either way, his answer leaves him an escape clause. According to Eisenkot, any partner would have to accept three fundamental principles: "Israel is a strong and liberal Jewish-democratic state, the values of the Declaration of Independence, and the obligation of military or national service."
Eisenkot added: "A month ago, I added another condition – that the basic guidelines include that Hamas is a terrorist organization that must be destroyed. I don't know of any Arab party today that accepts these principles. When I see such a party, we'll talk about partnerships."
On Saturday, however, Eisenkot said clearly that United Arab List would not be part of a government he leads, adding that the party doesn't meet his conditions for joining a coalition.
Talking to Channel 12 News, Eisenkot said that all coalition partners would have to recognize Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, uphold the values of the Declaration of Independence, support mandatory military service and recognize Hamas as a terrorist organization that must be destroyed.
Not long after the Channel 12 interview, Eisenkot met with leaders of Israel's Jewish opposition parties at former Prime Minister Yair Lapid's Tel Aviv home for what was described as a "coordination meeting," as recent polls showed their lead over Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's bloc narrowing.
During the Jerusalem meeting earlier this month, Eisenkot also addressed the "betrayal from within" conspiracy theory regarding October 7 – that security officials were loath to wake up Netanyahu that morning because they feared he would launch a major war.
As he has put it, blaming Likud's so-called poison machine: "Fostering a culture of lies in a country undermines its democratic foundations."
The "betrayal from within" conspiracy theory also came up in Kiryat Malakhi. A man named Michel Dayan asked for the candidate's response. Eisenkot, of course, rejected the theory but noted that it stressed the importance of establishing a state commission of inquiry, where he himself would also be investigated. Eisenkot was chief of staff from 2015 to 2019.
Outside the synagogue, Dayan, who voted for Likud in the last election, said he certainly might vote for Yashar this time. "He's a fighter, a leader, and he paid the highest price of all. There's a lot of pain in his voice, and from pain only comes growth, so there's a chance he'll get my vote," Dayan said.
"In the previous election I voted for Netanyahu, and I think that when Netanyahu passes away, the whole world will stop; kings and leaders will come and say he was the best strategist in the world. But something broke in him regarding credibility. Maybe it's his age."
Last week, a poll showed Netanyahu's bloc beating Eisenkot's camp. But on Thursday, the Yashar chief received a boost from the mock election at Blich High School in the Tel Aviv suburb of Ramat Gan. For decades, it has been considered a harbinger of the actual result.
On social media, it was clear that Otzma Yehudit stole the show. Ben-Gvir tried to incite the students with shouts of "Death to terrorists." He also handed out pistol-shaped beer-bottle openers with his own image on them, even though most students are still not allowed to buy beer.
Eisenkot visited Blich the day before the mock election, and Yashar would win about a third of the students' votes, easily the largest party.
"The provocateurs walking around with bottle openers get the attention, not the kids holding a sign and taking a selfie with Chili Trooper," an associate of Eisenkot said. Yashar is counting on the parents following suit on October 27.
