Amos Harel

Probe also finds that police staffing an emergency hotline in the West Bank did not react immediately to call from one of the teen's parents, making them appear more culpable than other security forces.

Prime Minister Netanyahu says operation's goal to deal with Hamas' tunnels along border.

Hamas still has tunnels under the border into Israel, and despite Israeli claims it's hard to argue that the organization is weaker than before.

IDF fears that, without Hamas, Gaza could descend into a Somalia-like situation, in which dozens of gangs or clans would take over various parts of the strip.

As Israel's operation in Gaza enters its second week, we have an Egyptian cease-fire proposal on the table and a number of preliminary conclusions.

Israel says the intensity of its air strikes has made Hamas more conciliatory; Kerry due in Cairo.

Israel's political and military leaders are being overly optimistic if they think Hamas will cave in without an 'achievement' to show for it.

Despite the convoy of tanks heading south, infantry amassing near Gaza border, Israel is in no hurry for operation's ground phase.

Dealing with Hamas' rocket infrastructure will take weeks, if not months. Israel's government doesn't look like it has the stamina required for this.

With Israel and Hamas behaving as if time is on their side, an agreement seems unlikely, for now.

Changes to civilian aviation as Hamas takes aim at airport; Iron Dome doing better than it did in 2012.

Israel did not seek confrontation. But with no exit strategy in place, and with Hamas calling the shots, hostilities are likely to intensify.

Information not under gag-order reveals suspects arrested for murder of Palestinian teen are not 'hilltop youth,' but elements closer to the fringe of Haredi society.

Netanyahu seeks a 'controlled escalation' that would not lead to a ground operation. The question is whether this is possible.

Are we witnessing the beginning of a third Palestinian intifada? It's too soon to tell, but the spiral of revenge attacks is extremely dangerous.

The murder of the Arab boy from Shuafat and the ongoing duel with Hamas have brought the feud to a new level. But Israel is offering Hamas an exit point before engaging in a military campaign in the Strip.

If the rocket fire from Gaza doesn't stop within a day or two, what’s next may be the assassination of Hamas leaders and missiles on Tel Aviv.

In rare message to Hamas, Israel says does not seek escalation but ready to respond if necessary.

Police think the Palestinian boy could have been killed by either Jewish nationalists or Palestinians; Palestinians have no doubt.

Apparently, Netanyahu has no stomach for an extensive operation in Gaza, but must take some action to appease Likud activists and settlers.

Ofir Shaar had to talk with hotline operator after hotline operator before he could convince anyone to take his pleas seriously. Altogether, 54 separate conversations took place before IDF was involved.

Leaders mourned the deaths of the three kidnapped teenagers and pledged action against Hamas.

Police mishandling of a desperate call from one boy apparently allowed the kidnappers to flee but it’s doubtful the boys could have been saved, even had the hotline been more efficient.

Bad blood between Jews and Arabs on rise in territories, Israel proper; 'price tag' attacks expected.

Israel-Hamas cycle of reprisals, Palestinian anger at mass arrests in West Bank and Gaza's economic woes could spell bigger conflagration.

Israelis love stories of individual bravery, but in the long run, Chief of Staff Benny Gantz and his army will have to step out of their comfort zone, walk away from the embraces and contend with challenges.

The events of the last 24 hours reflect the nature of the security challenge Israel must now confront; the Netanyahu government aims to remind the other parties that they would do well not to force it into a wider conflict.

While a third intifada doesn't seem to be on the horizon, it is impossible to ignore the continuous increase in the number of 'populist' incidents over the last six months.

The cabinet and smaller Septet (or Octet or Nonet, depending, of course, on the number of members) will determine the next government's most important decisions in key areas of diplomacy and national security, including policy on Iranian nuclear threat.

In any case, it is surprising to find that two years after the publication of the Harpaz document, Galant is the only one who has paid the price, even though all claims made against him at the beginning proved baseless.

Although the vast majority of settlers are law abiding, the machinations and provocations of Itamar Ben Gvir and his followers make them silent accomplices.

Some security officials, who possess intimate knowledge of the greater picture, fear that former Mossad chief Meir Dagan's comments may undermine the Israeli effort to bring about effective international action against Iran.

Considering the constant turmoil reining in Netanyahu's office and the inability to get even one security agency appointment through without complaints and accusations, it looks like a clear lesson can be derived from the events of the past six months. This involves the need to impose order and oversight in appointment procedures involving candidates for sensitive high-level positions.

Those exposed to outgoing Mossad chief's Meir Dagan's arguments will find it difficult to ignore their logic, and the assertive tone in which they were made.

The thought that Israel will take any action against Iran and the Americans will be content with a salute and support is completely unrealistic.

Were it not for the Mavi Marmara affair, it is doubtful whether Israel would have reversed its closure on the Gaza Strip.

In any attack plan of any country there is a risk that the pilots, and particularly the leaders above them, will become enthralled by the plan, without considering all the implications.

Israel must not choose to grant automatic and sweeping support to every soldier.

Was the forging of the document and the leaks to Channel 2 the result of private initiatives, or was it inspired by the commander's spirit?

The ministers scheduled this morning to discuss the request to approve GOC Southern Command Yoav Galant as the Israel Defense Forces' 20th chief of staff have a historic opportunity

Enforcement of the siege has all but ended - part of the price Israel is paying to restore its international reputation after its disastrous flotilla raid.

When the time comes for disengagement, perhaps the state may decide to temporarily redeploy regular troops to the Border Police. It is doubtful whether it will be possible once again to rely on the IDF for that job.

The lack of a diplomatic horizon with the Palestinians and the Syrians does not bode well for Israel.

It's doubtful whether Israel can allow itself to ignore U.S. wishes and stand alone against Iran's response.

When Lindenstrauss began his probe on Israel's attempts to release convicted spy Jonathan Pollard, he was predictably ridiculed: What could he possibly say that was new? It turns out that an external probe can lead to new and surprising avenues to explore.

Benny Gantz's recent appointment showed what is typical of the current selection process in the security and intelligence establishments - prolonged negotiations between defense minister and chief of staff, a last-minute compromise and not an iota of external supervision.

Israeli-U.S. ties are entering their most serious tailspin in a decade - since Netanyahu's last term.

Washington, under Barack Obama's administration, is liable to be more attentive to the idea of an Israel-Syrian agreement, and a unity government in Israel may be the only realistic course by which to strive for political progress in the coming years.